Rosana Katia Nazzari
Rute Vivian Angelo Baquero
ABSTRACT: This paper proposes analyzes the challenges for the youth empowerment facing vulnerability, violence, and social exclusion. To make it a reality, we look to cast public policy, with the Latin America youth and in Brazil, related to education and to the working market to ascertain the reach of youth public policies to extend social capital indexes and promote effective programs to social vulnerability, violence, and drug addiction among youngsters. The youth are pressured by good career performance and success. Their free time is focused in entering the job market, which aids them in taking individualist positions independent of solidarity relations required to have social capital. The subject of youth policy and to contribute to define, from different perspectives: age, developmental stage, gender, ethnicity and social status. Furthermore incentive pro-active policy strategy, aiming at the “empowerment” of all young people in Brazil and problem solving instrument, focussing mainly on disadvantaged or vulnerable young people in different regions. This research proposes to contribute to practical applications for youth policies.
KEYWORDS: Empowerment. Social Capital. Public Policies. Youth. Brazil.
The objectives this study seeks to identify the challenges of youth public policies to promote alternatives that put forward the empowerment of the brazilian youth facing current violence and social exclusion vulnerability. The objectives of this study are: to identify confronting public policies for the problems affecting the brazilian youth; and b) promote programs related to the brazilian youth education to endeavor public policies of empowerment. The methodology in the development of this study attention was directed to two dimensions: a section of qualitative and theoretical nature scrutinizing the concepts of public policies, education, violence, drugs, youth, empowerment, and social capital; and a second one of quantitative and explicative nature, through statistical data analyses, aimed to examine the dimension of public policies for the youth in Brazil.
There, social-economic data related to the subject matter were examined pursuing the establishment of relations among the concepts and the central supposition of the study. The central supposition is that, without social policies for the youth, it will not be possible to create conditions for empowerment and reduction of violence, drugs use and traffic among the brazilian youth.
1. YOUTH POLICIES IN BRAZIL
In Brazil the youth theme, introduced in the Constituent National Council of 1988, when brought in to the “Children – National Priority” Popular Amendment, resulted in the creation in that same year of the Permanent Forum of Non-governmental Entities for the Defense of Children`s Right that culminated with the promulgation of the Children and Adolescent Statute (CAS) in 1990. “The 5th Amendment determines that no children or adolescent will be the object of any form of negligence, discrimination, violence, cruelty, and oppression, punishing by the full extent of the law any attempt, through action or omission, to their fundamental rights.”
The beginning of the 21th century witnessed problems that directly affect the youth, such as health, violence and unemployment. At the same time, also considering the youth as active player on implementing these programs in those areas. These programs go beyond the possibilities of guaranting access in the school system and to projects toward specific segments excluded or “in-social-risk” juveniles. Common sense continues to prevail in the representation of the youth in a negative way through stigmas and stereotypes.
Relying on social-political and economical context from which they originate, adolescents are considered dangerous, delinquents, alienated, irresponsible, unmotivated or uninterested, also more and more connected to violence and conduct diversions (street kids, the sweeps, gangs, street groups, and vandalism acts). The challenge is to reorient youth policies towards a young-citizen model that gradually leave behind matters such as the problematic youngster that threatens public security.
In the 1960s and 1970s youth participation was noted by protest movements, in the counterculture movements, and in the 80s we can mention as an example the social movement that became known as “Diretas Já” (Direct Vote, Now), which was a significant sign of the youth participation. Thus, from 2004 on, the Brazilian government created the Public Policy Executive Office for the youth connected to the President Cabinet. The policies must give the youth options that, on one hand, need to work for the survival of his/her family and his/her own, and, on the other hand, need to prepare for the future through professionalization.
It was also created a Special Commission in the National Congress design to follow up political proposals for the youth. From February 1, 2005 on, Brazil took significant steps in effectively building public policies for the youth. On that date, the President created the Youth National Council, the Youth National Bureau, and the “Pro-youth” whose main objective is to elaborate and install policies for the 34 million people aged 15 to 24. This initiative was undertaken by other states. The Federal Government instituted also more social programs with actions aimed at the youth in an inter-sectorial perspective such as Youth and Adolescent Heath Program (Health Department), Special Training Program (STP – Education Department), Young Scientist Award (Science and Technology Department), Infant Social Protection – ProUni, Childhood, Adolescence, and Youth Social Protection, among others.
On September 5, 2007, the Federal Government launched programs unifying the ones that already existed: the Youth Agent, Pro-youth, Earth Knowledge, Youth Consortium, Citizen Youth, and Factory School in a single program denominated Pro-Youth and intend to triple the number of adolescents served. Thus, the program will be divided as Urban Pro-Youth, Country Pro-Youth, Worker Pro-Youth, and Adolescent Pro-Youth (Presidência, 2009).
2. WORK MARKET OR EDUCATION?
Therefore, interdisciplinary debates and researches place the theme youth as a subject of the sciences in the beginning of the 21st century, and instigate immediate intervention on the youth reality in the latin american continent. Public policies are improvised, seasonal, and disarticulated among themselves. As a result, “there is a necessity of a multidimensional approach due to the multiple factors that interact ‘forming complex casual networks’”
Violence endured by the youth is the result of social vulnerability and the lack of access to opportunity structures available in health, education, work, leisure, and culture field. thus, unfavorable social-economic conditions foment the increase of criminality. Therefore, it is necessary top design continuous and pernmanent public policies, and not as they are presently, fragmented and partial. the latin-american technological information network – RITLA (2008, p. 1), in the third narrative of the youth development, 2007 version, data analysis of IBGE and the departments of heath and education came to alarming conclusions. for example, according to the report, no less than 53% of the 35 million juveniles between the ages of 15 and 24 in brazil do not attend school.
Moreover, 19% of them do not work or study. that is a large percentage that gets even larger when the poorer classes are analyzed: 34%! In this setting, it is essential to invest on youth socialization and combat social vulnerability enlarging social capital stocks. These factors require changes on the perception of public administrators to formulate social policies in building a more equal society. Research results on the brazilian youth and democracy reveal some dimensions of youth relation with the world. it was observed that 60.7% of those interviewed informed not having a job. it is noted that, “[...] sex, age, and social class are all variables that influence on the possibility of admission in the working market; girls, the younger ones, and the poorer are in a evident disadvantageous situation”.
Another contrast is the influence of school level; while only 33.1% of the elementary-school youth stated having a job, that percentage escalated to 52.4% among graduated youngsters with high-school or higher diplomas. Skin color also generates disturbing results; while 41.5% of white adolescents declare having a job, this percentage declines to 37.9% among blacks. of those who declared not having a job, 62.9% stated that where looking for one. social class dissimilarities are evident when one observe that 69.5% of class d/e adolescents where looking for a job, while 49.6% of the a/b class where in the same condition.
On this perspective, frustrated search for work and the obstacles to be overcome by the youth is highlighted. To whatever extent these obstacles are concentrated in determined segments of the population as the poorest, blacks, ghetto and periphery dwellers, and young women. Adolescents that obtain work-market positions are exposed to unstable conditions, 30.5% are registered employees, and 44.6% are not registered, that is, they are independent without any tie with Social Security. In its turn, apprentices total 6.4%, but only 4.4% are independent with ties with the INSS, a health, social national institution. Class-A/B employed youngsters totaled 16.1%, but this number rises to 33.8% among class-D/E. Thus, this research found vulnerability on working relation to which the poorer classes are submitted to. As far as the working and education is concerned the situation is as follows: 25.9% just work; 33.6% simply study; 13.4% work and study, and a significant number, 27.1%, neither work nor study.
Restricted work market, finding the first job, lack of adequate professional qualification, and trying to overcome prejudice are what worry the youth, as far as work is concerned. A reoccurring complaint is against market incoherence that demands the so commented ‘professional practice’ from those that are searching for their first job opportunity. That indicates youth-integration policy insufficiency in the working market. The youngsters are confident on the possibilities of companies to enlarge working opportunities for them. They suggest the establishment of partnerships and agreements between government and businesses and fiscal incentives to employers in order to open up working positions for youngsters without experience.
An important aspect is the trust they feel in the State in solving these issues and overcoming obstacles that have emerged from the lack of experience, qualification, as well as discrimination, which can organize their lives and work departing from knowledge. The youth yearn for professional qualification, and do not take into account economic restructuring or changes in the production ways that strongly influence the reduction of job openings and on precarious working conditions. As for work demand, internship is pointed as an immediate survival strategy in trying to overcome the working-market demands. However, this opportunity is not equally shared among social classes because it is accessible for youngster from a higher social class. In all regions the youth felt discriminatory feelings when searching for the first job; feelings relative to appearance and racist practice against the youth in their way of dressing and behaving.
In the “Brazilian Youth Profile” survey, when they were questioned on the main concepts associated with work, necessity (64%), independence (55%), growth (47%), and self accomplishment (29%) were pointed out (Abramo, Branco, 2005). Hence, in the next item we look to explore public action related to the youth – actions that usually have neither integration nor continuity. The remunerated work is no longer an exclusive characteristic of the market society and has also become one of the main forms of social acting for the creation or reproduction of new familiar units that are independent and self-contained.
That applies, above all, to the young fraction of the population desiring to conquer family independence or perform a safe transition to adulthood with ample access to remunerated work, education, health service, leisure, and at least minimally, a life protected from the uproar of drug dealers. It is also added the necessity of “safe transition to adulthood” with the formation of new families by marrying or living together.
Recent studies have shown, however, the existence of a structural unemployment and education difference that reach the youth especially the ones from the working class – among them the ones from the country side. Out of 33.85 million youngsters between the ages of 15 and 24 in Brazil, 19% of them did not work or study in 2003. When profiling young blacks and women, this figure climbs to 21% and 26% respectively (IBGE, 2003; PNAD, 2009; IPEA, 2005; MTE, 2008). The migration is so intense that the United Nations foresees that, in 2008, the number of inhabitants in the cities will be higher than the one in the rural areas. Where are these migrating youths going to live?
The UN predicts that they are going to live in slums on precarious houses with no treated drinking water or basic sewage, tormented by high unemployment indexes and/or precarious jobs, unable to guarantee themselves safe transition to adulthood.
This scenario evidences itself as a growing social problem with the constant capitalist restructuration based on the predatory use of technologies and social policy budget cuts, as well as a federal, state, and municipal association’s problem among other pressure collective groups. Vulnerability, violence, and exclusion of the youth in Brazil require a political socialization directed towards incrementing empowerment and social capital indexes.
3. EDUCATION AND EMPOWERMENT
Brazilian society dominant sectors have always denyed the rights to education to the majority of the population, not only obstructing access to education, but also alleging a restrict education to the interests of the elite.
General objectives and functions of national education are expressed in specific laws. Federal Law nº 4.024/1961, identified as Guideline Law and Education Basis (GLB), was later altered by the Federal Laws nº 5.540/1968 (that specifically approaches college studies), nº 5.692/1971 and nº 7.044/1982 (that alter teaching guidelines and norms of elementary and high school).
The 1998 Federal Constitution opened new perspectives for the school system and its operation, being later in 1996 promulgated the new GLB published as Federal Law nº 9.394/1996. Later, in 2001, the National Education Plan that deals with school management was published.
4. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
Thus, youth public policies must possess inter-related and ample components that cannot be outlined in an isolated way under penalty of not being productive at all, for public policies for the youth are only characterized as so if they reflect specific youth conditions, and accrue from rulings that contrast their political capacity and participation.
The change in behavior is a very rare product in an already implanted educational process, more than that, it is found that the multiple dimensions that interact in the environment where there is life turns difficult to directly bind educational activities to the components that emerge in time. In this case, one can observe that an education aimed for the magnification of social cooperation could collaborate in promoting favorable indexes of youth social capital end empowerment. The essential presupposition is that social capital is created by trusted networks that provide relation predictability in the relations and promote empowerment indicators on the youth.
Most adolescents search in their professional formation, work, and income for conditions to achieve minimum improvement in life quality, as well as, paradoxically, the very search for work demands the minimal means for transportation and nourishment that are not always at reach for the youth. Another obstacle for the working adolescent is the non-observance of the working legislation, like underpaid jobs without valid working registration, no payment on extra working hours, among others. As for voluntary work, some youngsters recognize that it can magnify contact and access to the working world, but others clearly explain that the existence of voluntary work is an impediment for the magnification of working positions, in other words, the volunteers would take the place of paid workers. As for the majority of the youngsters employment represents a better life, it is perceived as excessive search for working opportunities besides preoccupation on juvenile unemployment, that is three times higher when compared to the rest of the active population. Unemployment oppresses the youth because it interrupts the autonomy’s progressive achievement course to adulthood transition and economic emancipation.
Research results are not encouraging as far as the youth and the Brazilian working market are concerned. However, they continue to wait for an answer to their demands from State. The pictorial representation that the youth has of public institutions and their representatives, preponderantly negative, nevertheless do not constitute in elements that provide us with assurance that they will have a better future.
Disponível em: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/youth/Source/Resources/Forum21/II_Issue_No5/II_No5_Public_policies_young_people_Brazil_en.pdf
http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/youth/Resources/Forum_21/II_No5_en.asp#TopOfPage
http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/youth/Resources/Forum_21/forum_en.asp
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